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Simon Chapman AO

~ Public health, memoirs, music

Simon Chapman AO

Tag Archives: smoking

The imminent death of teenage smoking

15 Tuesday Oct 2024

Posted by Simon Chapman AO in Blog

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

e-cigarettes, health, smoking, vaping

[extra material added 17 Oct 2024 — see Dai et al below]

By any measure, Ken Warner, Avedis Donabedian Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of Public Health at the University of Michigan, is one of the giants in the history of tobacco control. I have known Ken since the  early 1990s, after he editorialised one of my earliest papers. We were both 2003 recipients of the American Cancer Society’s global Luther Terry Medal and have had decades of mutual respect.

He has written a glowing endorsement for one of my books and references for promotions and awards.  When I retired from the University of Sydney in 2015, my head of school invited me to select a global figure who could be the main speaker at my festschrift. I didn’t hesitate to name Ken, who gave this lecture after which we spent a few great days on the NSW north coast.

Ken Warner 21 May 2015, Sydney University

At that time Ken was showing early enthusiasm for the promise of e-cigarettes as a major new weapon in reducing smoking and the diseases it causes. I was far more circumspect, having provided one side of a debate in the BMJ in 2013 and a crystal-balling piece on the promises and threats  in 2014.

In the years since, I’ve seen him rapidly firm in his positive views about the public health importance of vaping,  In 2018, an internal document  from the vapes manufacturer Juul Labs included Ken’s name on a list of ratings of 18 “collaborators” ranking him 7 out of a maximum 10  and noting that he was “positive on all scenarios” about vaping.  I was listed as one of 10 “current opponents”.

We have rarely exchanged views on the issues in the nine years since his trip to Sydney, although I have received comments from friends of him eye-rolling when my name has come up. He’s a true believer in vaping, while I’m a sceptical apostate in circles he frequents.

Warner has just published a piece in the American Journal of Public Health titled  Kids are no longer smoking cigarettes: why aren’t we celebrating. It’s generally excellent, celebrating the near-to-zero high school smoking rates in the US, and principally attributing the declines to the unabating massive cultural denormalisation of smoking (“The principal answer is a major change in social norms”) This was set in motion by the application of evidence-based policies about what would drive youth smoking down across whole populations.  He’s incredulous – as am I – that not more prominence and celebration has been made of youth smoking all but having disappeared.

He declares, and I again agree, that “By any measure, youth smoking has nearly ceased to exist.” The nearing extinction of youth smoking has confirmed tobacco control as the poster-child of chronic disease control. The achievement is precious silverware that has been hard fought for and needs vigilance against both predators and complacency to ensure that it will never rise again.

Warner wonders whether the tobacco industry “may be giving up their age-old pursuit of ‘replacement smokers’”, its coded euphemism for recruiting new teenage smokers. Is there anyone who believes that they would find these developments a bitter, force-fed pill that they would dearly love to reverse?

Here are the US data on 8-12th graders’ 30 day smoking.

Source

We have a very similar situation in Australia (see chart below), with smoking in the last week falling between 1999 and 2022-23, the latest data year available. The US has seen senior high school prevalence drop like a stone from 36.5% in 1997 to 1.9% in 2023. Australia has seen the same age group’s weekly smoking rate fall from 30% in 1999 to 3% in 2022-23 (monthly smoking is 3.4% (12-15y) and 5.2% (16-17y). The US is thus a little ahead of Australia with teenage smoking, with both nations seeing smoking spiralling toward tiny proportions.

Source

However, there are several points in Warner’s paper which require comment when it comes to some of his assertions about vaping.

Warner’s presentation of the US data frames teenage vaping as predominantly a phenomenon of kids who smoke also vaping. He writes that:

“In 2022, 9% of never-smoking high school students had vaped in the past 30 days, 3% frequently (≥ 20 days). In contrast, 54% of ever-smoking students had vaped in the past 30 days, 34% frequently. Still, that 3% of never-smoking students vape frequently is a legitimate source of concern.”

Here, highlighting the much larger proportions of smokers who vape gives the impression that it’s overwhelmingly school students who have smoked who dominate teenage vaping in the US, with those who’ve never smoked, being comparatively less likely to be vaping.

But looking at the numbers  behind these proportionspaints a very different picture. 

With never-smoking youth being (by far) in the majority, even small vaping participation rates among them could translate to greater numbers of vapers than among the much smaller proportions of youth who smoke. So here’s how the numbers fall.

The table below constructed from the dataset here  by colleague Sam Egger shows that of 15884 students, 1265 vaped in the past 30 days who had never smoked, compared to 931 who had ever smoked. In other words, in terms of sheer numbers, the problem of vaping is worse for the never-smoker group compared to ever-smoker group.  So if you saw random student vaping in the US, there would be a 58% (=1265/(1265+931)) probability that this vaper would be someone who had never smoked compared to a  42% probability that it would be someone who had ever smoked.

When it comes to more frequent vaping, this situation is reversed with 58% of those who vaped on ≥20 of past 30 days being ever-smokers (=583/(583+425)) compared with 42% who were never-smokers.

This way of looking at it presents the situation in quite a different light. Focusing on column percentages in the table below frames the situation as very much it being a case of smokers doing the vaping. But  focussing on row numbers  demonstrates that vaping is very much a more comparable phenomenon between ever- and never-smokers when it comes to actual numbers of youth who are vaping.

In Australia (see Figure 16), more than two-thirds (69%)  of 12-17yo school children who vaped  “reported having never smoked a tobacco cigarette before their first vape. One in five (20%) students who had never smoked prior to trying an e-cigarette reported subsequent smoking of tobacco cigarettes (i.e., at least a few puffs).”

Vaping by US high school students, 2022 in National Youth Tobacco Survey

 Never-smokeEver-smoke
 (n=14164)(n=1720)
Vaped in past 30 days
No12899 (91.1%)789 (45.9%)
Yes1265 (8.9%)931 (54.1%)
Vaped on ≥20 of past 30 days
No13739 (97.0%)1137 (66.1%)
Yes425 (3.0%)583 (33.9%)

Frequencies are weighted by weights provided by NYTS to account for the complex survey design and to produce nationally representative estimates. Excludes n=234 with missing data on vape or smoke variables

Is vaping by kids all but benign?

Warner’s paper emphasises that vaping is far less dangerous than smoking, and that nicotine in itself in the doses obtained through smoking or vaping is likely to cause inconsequential health problems, apart from the non-trivial economic costs of nicotine dependence.  I have several caveats about his summary.

There is no shortage of evidence that vapes deliver often far less of key carcinogens and toxicants than do cigarettes. This evidence includes biomarker research showing that vapers have less of these nasties in their bodies. Warner summarises this as: “In fact, smokeless tobacco products sold in the United States create substantially less risk than does smoking”

But vapes and cigarettes are very different beasts: cigarettes are the Mt Everest of risk but vapes contain chemicals that cigarettes don’t contain, and the puff parameters for vaping are very different from those for smoking.

“the contention that nicotine can damage developing adolescent brains or harm health in other ways”.

Here Warner argues “Most research regarding brain effects is based on animal models but with potential relevance for humans.” Prominent vaping advocates have often ridiculed the relevancy of animal studies for humans, elevating this to meme status in true believers about vaping.  But “potential relevance” is surely a huge understatement. Of the 114  Nobel Prize winners in  medicine and physiology between  1901 and 2023, 101 (88.6%) used animals in their research.  Now what would such eminent researchers know that vape advocates seek to dismiss?

Warner continues: “the lack of evidence of brain damage in previous generations of people who smoked mitigates this concern.”

This is quite a sweeping statement, unreferenced.

It’s been frequently noted that smokers are increasingly concentrated in less educated, economically disadvantaged  sub-populations.  Low education and low IQ are clearly correlated, so it’s unsurprising that cognitive concerns may be more prevalent in smokers. But there is also significant evidence that smoking may also be causative for cognitive and psychiatric problems.

For example, in this cohort study of over 20,000 Israeli military recruits, analysis of brothers discordant for smoking found that smoking brothers had lower cognitive scores than non-smoking brothers.

This prospective cohort study examined the association between early to midlife smoking trajectories and midlife cognition in 3364 adults  (1638 ever smokers and 1726 never smokers) using smoking measures every 2–5 years from baseline (age 18– 30 in 1985–1986) through year 25 (2010–2011). Five smoking trajectories emerged over 25 years: quitters (19%), and minimal stable (40%), moderate stable (20%), heavy stable (15%), and heavy declining smokers (5%). Heavy stable smokers showed poor cognition on all 3 measures compared to never smoking. Compared to never smoking, both heavy declining and moderate stable smokers exhibited slower processing speed, and heavy declining smokers additionally had poor executive function.

In this Finnish longitudinal cohort twin study data (n=4761) from four time points (for ages 12, 14, 17, and 19-27 years) “were used to estimate bivariate cross-lagged path models for substance use and educational achievement, adjusting for sex, parental covariates, and adolescent externalizing behaviour.”

Smoking at ages 12 and 14 “predicted lower educational achievement at later time points even after previous achievement and confounding factors were taken into account. Lower school achievement in adolescence predicted a higher likelihood of engaging in smoking behaviours … smoking both predicts and is predicted by lower achievement.”

In a cohort study of 11 729 children with a mean age of 9.9 years at year 1 Dai et al used structural magnetic resonance imaging measures of brain structure and region of interest analysis for the cortex, 116 children reported ever use of tobacco products.  Here’s an edited version of the results and conclusions.

“Controlling for confounders, tobacco ever-users vs nonusers exhibited lower scores in the Picture Vocabulary Tests at wave 1 and 2-year follow-up. The crystalized cognition composite score was lower significantly lower among tobacco ever-users than nonusers both at wave 1 and 2-year follow-up. In structural magnetic resonance imaging, the whole-brain measures in cortical area and volume were significantly lower among tobacco users than nonusers. Further region of interest analysis revealed smaller cortical area and volume in multiple regions across frontal, parietal, and temporal lobes at both waves. In summary, initiating tobacco use in late childhood was associated with inferior cognitive performance and reduced brain structure with sustained effects at 2-year follow-up.”

Nicotine not a culprit?

Warner states that “nicotine per se is not the direct cause of the diseases associated with tobacco. Rather, it causes persistent use of the products that expose users to the actual toxins.”  This proposes that nicotine is not a health problem, only a benign vector for health problems.  

In 2019 I compiled this selection of research about concerns with nicotine  published in notable journals including Nature Reviews Cancer, Lancet Psychiatry, American Journal of Psychiatry, Mol Cancer Res, Critical Reviews in Toxicology, Carcinogenesis, Mutation Research, Int J Cancer, Apoptosis and  Biomedical Reports. These concerns are seldom mentioned by those who recite Michael Russell’s dictum that “People smoke for the nicotine but they die from the tar” as a talisman against any expressed concerns about nicotine.

I’ve also listed numerous recent reviews of the emerging evidence about vaping and precursors of respiratory and cardiovascular disease. This evidence hardly describes an assessment of vaping as a benign practice akin to inhaling steam in a shower or having a couple of cups of coffee a day,  analogies I’ve  heard used by vaping advocates.

Importantly too, there is no mention in Warner’s paper about two key ways in which vapes importantly differ from smoking.

A: Flavouring chemicals in vapes

Flavours are a leading factor that attract and keep people vaping: the beguiling cheese in the nicotine addiction mousetrap. But as has often been pointed out, none of the many thousands of flavours available in vapes have ever been assessed as safe for inhalation. Many of the chemical flavouring compounds in vapes have GRAS (Generally Regarded As Safe) ratings as food and beverage additives for ingestion. But it is elementary in toxicology that different routes of consumption (skin, inhalation, ingestion, rectal insertion) have different risk profiles.

Tellingly, no flavoured inhaled asthma or COPD medicines (used by hundreds of millions globally) have ever been approved by therapeutics regulators anywhere in the world, yet vaping advocates typically shrug dismissively about possible risks in the intensive inhalation of flavours in vapes.

Dow Chemical, a major manufacture of propylene glycol (the most common excipient in vape liquid) in 2019 explicitly named PG in vaping devices and accessories as a “non-supported application”.  With the vast earnings potential for Dow in embracing PG in vapes, clearly the risk exposure to the company in doing so must have been assessed as massive.

Warner cites several examples of the public and health professionals holding clearly incorrect views about particular dangers of vaping, as if the jury is already in on the net effects of harm into the future – the whole point with chronic disease control. Yet he sensibly agrees that it is too early to know if there will be any long-term health problems that might arise from vaping.  The median age for diagnosis of asbestos-caused mesothelioma is between 75-79. For lung cancer, it’s 71. If putative health problems from vaping have similar latency periods from first exposure to diagnosis, we may have a long wait before this issue is settled.

B: Inhalation frequency

The average daily smoker in Australia in 2022-23 smoked  15.9 cigarettes day and a typical puff frequency per cigarette in leisurely situations is 8.7, giving 138 puffs per day. Observational studies of vapers show that average daily puff frequency on vapes is likely to be north of 550 times. In one study (2016), researchers observed vapers using their normal vaping equipment ad libitum for 90 minutes. The median number of puffs taken over 90 mins was 71 (i.e. 0.78 puffs per minute or 47.3 per hour). Another (from 2023) found those using pod vapes took an average of 71.9 puffs across 90 minutes, almost identical to the 2016 study number.

But of course vapers do not vape across only one continuous 90 minute period each day. No studies appear to have calculated average 24 hour vape puff counts. But if we (conservatively?) assume 8 hours of sleep and 4 waking hours of no vaping, then a person vaping for 12 hours a day at this 47.3 puffs per hour rate, would pull 568 puffs across a 12 hour day deep into their lungs, 207,462 times in a year and 2.075 million times across 10 years.

This compares to daily smokers taking 138 puffs a day, 50,405 times a year and  504,050  times in 10 years: 4.12 times less. Cigarettes and vapes are very different products, but the almost frenzied puff frequency we see with daily vapers where each puff sees excipient chemicals like unapproved flavourants and PG pulled deep into the lungs throughout the day should raise red flags.

Australia’s approach to vaping regulation which I have strongly supported has landed at access by adults only via pharmacies, a ban on the importation of vaping products other than those destined for the pharmacy channel, and truly weapons-grade deterrent penalties for any person or corporation breaching these laws.

This has been the approach governments have long used to regulate access to methadone and other narcotics used in pain control, medicinal cannabis and every prescription pharmaceutical. Despite the demand for these products, no government is planning a free-for-all for these products in corner shops. It is very early days, with major busts of flagrant selling likely imminent. Australia has pioneered several tobacco control policies which have dominoed globally.  I expect to see the same happen with our vaping regulations.

The relentless commodification of quitting

09 Wednesday Oct 2024

Posted by Simon Chapman AO in Blog

≈ 3 Comments

Tags

health, smoking, tobacco, vaping

What is the #1 most common method used by those who successfully quit smoking that the US Centers for Disease Control refuses to name?

In July 2024, a brief report titled Methods US Adults Used to Stop Smoking, 2021–2022 was published on the research portal Medrxiv (pronounced Med Archive) a preprint site where authors publish research which has not yet been peer reviewed. This is typically a procedure designed to get researchers’ data and ideas out there in public much earlier than almost always occurs with the often glacial pace of having papers pass through peer reviewed to publication in journals. Publication often follows as authors move down the research journal food chain till one finally publishes it with a “peer reviewed” pedigree.

The Medrxiv report used “Nationally representative Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) survey data … to identify which subpopulations of US adults had stopped smoking cigarettes for 6 months or longer in the last year and the methods they used” for the years 2021-22” when the data showed 2.9 million Americans stopped smoking.

The authors reported that “Among those who stopped smoking for 6 months or longer, the most commonly reported methods used were nicotine products (53.9%, 1.5 million US adults), primarily e-cigarettes used alone or in combination with other methods (40.8%, 1.2 million US adults). The least commonly reported methods were non-nicotine, non-prescription drug methods (including a quit line, counseling or clinic, class, or group) (6.3%, 0.2 million US adults). Of the listed methods, the most commonly reported exclusive method selected was e-cigarettes; 26.0% (0.7 million US adults) of adults who stopped smoking from 2021 through 2022 for 6 months or longer selected e-cigarettes as their only listed method.”

So, of 2.9 million who quit, 1.5 million used nicotine products and 200,000 used non-nicotine or non-prescription methods. That leaves a mere 1.2 million (41%) unaccounted for who stopped smoking but were deemed not to have used CDC anointed “surveyed evidence-based methods to stop smoking. Methods containing nicotine, primarily e-cigarettes, were the most commonly-reported methods that were explicitly surveyed.”

A table in the report lists all the methods used by nation’s quitters in descending order. Triumphant in floodlights at the top of the league are those who exclusively used e-cigarettes (40.8%) while skulking right down the end of the list we find the desolate and cryptic “none of the above” with 42.5%, which the numerate among you might have noticed is higher than the quit proportion who exclusively used vapes.

So how on earth did the people who successfully quit smoking for six months or more possibly manage to quit when they weren’t sensible enough to use the “evidence-based methods” explicitly asked about and listed by the CDC and ignored by the report’s authors?  

It’s possible that tiny proportions may have attributed their success to a wide range of weird and wonderful procedures not given as options to respondents by the CDC (a range of placebo complementary medicine and consumer cons like “laser therapy” and even  prayer).  But such options have never been shown to score more than an asterisk (designating homeopathically small numbers) in any study of quit methods I’ve ever seen.

The ignored elephant in the room of this “none of the above” massive army of successful quitters is unassisted, mostly cold turkey quitting: smokers who for a variety of motivations decide to finally stop smoking, and do so without using any pharmaceutical product or vape or being guided or supervised by specialist professionals or clinicians.

Before the availability of nicotine replacement therapy, prescribed drugs or vaping untold millions of smokers stopped permanently around the world. This was seldom documented or researched, but in the US  way back in1979, the then director of the US Office on Smoking and Health noted in a National Institute of Drug Abuse Monograph “In the past 15 years, 30 million smokers have quit the habit, almost all of them on their own.”

The US National Center for Health Statistics routinely included a question on “cold turkey” cessation in its surveys between 1983 and 2000, but this option stopped being even asked in 2005. This was not because quitting unassisted had  somehow become uncommon or irrelevant to the main ways that smokers quit. It was rather a revealing index of the success of efforts by those with vested interests in discrediting unassisted quitting.  Let’s not even ask ex-smokers about it.

The commodification of smoking cessation

In his seminal 1975 paper,  On the structural constraints to state intervention in health Marc Renaud wrote of the fundamental tendency of capitalism to “transform health needs into commodities … When the state intervenes to cope with some health-related problems, it is bound to act so as to further commodify health needs.” (Renaud 1975) The pharmaceutical industry creed is that wherever possible, problems coming before physicians need to be pathologized as biomedical problems that need to be treated with medication. This message is also megaphoned to the public.

My highly-cited 2010 PLoS Med paper  The global research neglect of  unassisted smoking cessation: causes and consequences and my 2022 Sydney University Press open-access book, Quit Smoking Weapons of Mass Distraction document  the on-going 45 year efforts by commercial interests (pharmaceuticals and today’s vaping industry) and professional helping professions to convince smokers wanting quit that they’d need their heads examined if they were foolish enough to try and quit unaided, ironically the very way that most ex-smokers stop.

My 2009 Lancet paper The inverse impact law of smoking cessation  posited  that  “the volume of research and effort devoted to professionally and pharmacologically mediated cessation is in inverse proportion to that examining how most ex-smokers actually quit. Research on cessation is dominated by ever-finely tuned accounts of how smokers can be encouraged to do anything but go it alone when trying to quit—exactly opposite of how a very large majority of ex-smokers succeeded.”

The financial clout of the pharmaceutical, vaping and tobacco industries with their ability to spend billions on PR, across the decades and have legions of researchers “follow the money” continues to see the inverse law being heavily corroborated.

The CDC’s willing or unwitting collusion with these interests by continuing to cold-shoulder unassisted smoking cessation as being even unworthy of mention is truly appalling. An investigation into the politics of and influences on how this happened and continues would make compelling reading.

The continuing  denigration of unassisted cessation as bizarrely not being “evidence-based” when there are oceans of evidence that quitting unaided has contributed more ex-smokers across the decades than all other methods combined is frankly Orwellian.

High 5s for Floe and Ray!

The two authors of the Medrxiv paper both have connections with the vape manufacturers Juul Labs Inc,  First author Floe Foxon works for Pinney Associates  a consultancy company servicing the nicotine industry.  Foxon declared “F.F. provides consulting services through Pinney Associates on tobacco harm reduction on an exclusive basis to Juul Labs Inc, which had no involvement in this article.”  

Most reassuring.

Ray Naiura declared that he “communicated with Juul Labs personnel, for which there was no compensation”. Internal documents from Juul show the company named Niaura in a 2018 list of “current allies” and rated him as one of five “collaborators” with a maximum rank of 10 out of 10 in the same year.

These backgrounds may explain why their paper gave zero emphasis to unassisted quitting, leaving readers to deduce its major impact from a row at the end of a table.   With such a dogs balls obvious omission in the abstract, results and discussion  sections of the paper it is hard to believe that such a report could ever pass peer review in a serious research journal.  The “uninvolved” Juul would surely be just delighted with their research spin here.

Below are five papers on unassisted cessation by a research group I led 2013-2015.

Smith A, Chapman S, Dunlop S. What do we know about unassisted smoking cessation in Australia? A systematic review 2005–2012. Tobacco Control 2013

Smith A, Carter SM, Chapman S, Dunlop S, Freeman B. Why do smokers try to quit without medication or counselling? A qualitative study with ex-smokers. BMJ Open 2014

Smith A, Chapman S, Carter SM, Dunlop S, Freeman B. The views and experiences of smokers who quit unassisted. A systematic review of the qualitative evidence. PLoS One May 26, 2015

Smith A, Carter SM, Dunlop S, Freeman B, Chapman S. Revealing the complexity of quitting smoking: a qualitative grounded theory study of the natural history of quitting in Australian ex-smokers. Tobacco Control 2017

Smith A, Carter SM, Dunlop S, Freeman B, Chapman S. Measured, opportunistic, unexpected and naïve quitting: a qualitative grounded theory study of the process of quitting from the ex-smokers’ perspective. BMC Public Health 2017

Are there really informed “fears that Australia’s mission to reduce smoking to 5% by 2030 is going backwards”?

02 Wednesday Oct 2024

Posted by Simon Chapman AO in Blog

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

health, smoking, tobacco

Photo credit: Gerd Altman, Pixabay

[updated 21 Feb, 2025]

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare’s triennial National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) published its most recent report in February 2024. The latest data were collected in 2022-23, with the report offering a wealth of comparative data across past surveys. The latest survey saw more than 21,000 people provide information.

Smoking is a major focus of the NDSHS and in this blog, I’ll highlight some of the gains where undeniable progress has occurred, and look at a claim that the government is haemorrhaging taxation revenue so badly from a drift to illicit duty-not-paid cigarettes that it needs to change course.

A recent segment on ABC TV’s 7.30, on illicit tobacco sales in Australia saw the journalist set up the piece by stating “There is universal acknowledgement that the black market poses a serious threat to reducing smoking” and that there are “fears that Australia’s mission to reduce the daily rate [of smoking] to just 5% by 2030 is going backwards.”

As we will see shortly, there is no evidence in the NDSHS that Australia’s progress in reducing smoking is “going backwards”. Anything but. First, we need to clarify what data are critical to any examination of that proposition.

What is smoking prevalence?

The expression “smoking rate” is commonly used to refer to smoking prevalence – the percentage of people in a population who smoke. Typically, this is a composite figure of those who smoke daily and less than daily, even if only occasionally. The NDSHS counts daily smoking as well as two measures of occasional smoking (less than daily, but at least weekly; and current occasional – less than weekly) in what it counts as “current smoking”. Current smoking thus includes people who might smoke very occasional cigarettes—even less than once a month.

Falling smoking prevalence is a product of two phenomena: (1) reductions in the proportion of people who start smoking and (2) smoking cessation (quitting) by smokers. Smoking prevalence alone does not give a clear picture of whether the rate of quitting is changing.

The quit proportion

Getting a handle on how a country is travelling with policies, laws and campaigns designed to increase quitting is not best measured by looking at prevalence data, because this is powerfully influenced by changes in the uptake of smoking, mostly by young people which has been in continuous free-fall for 25 years since 1999.

Source: https://www.tobaccoinaustralia.org.au/chapter-1-prevalence/1-6-prevalence-of-smoking-teenagers

Instead we look across time at a measure known as the “quit proportion”. This is the proportion of people who have ever smoked but no longer smoke (ex-smokers as a proportion of current smokers + ex-smokers). Changes in the proportions of people who have never smoked and who are dragging smoking prevalence down are thus accounted for here by only considering those who have ever smoked.

Below are the data on changing smoking prevalence and quit proportions between 1998 and 2022-23. When a quit proportion increases across time, this is rock-hard evidence that quitting is increasing throughout the population.

Tobacco smoking status, people aged 14 and over, 1998 to 2022–2023
YEARNEVER SMOKERSEX- SMOKERSDAILY SMOKERSCURRENT SMOKERSQUIT PROPORTION (~)
199849.225.9*21.824.851.1 *
200150.626.219.423.153.1 (0.2)
200452.926.417.520.656.2 (3.1)
200755.425.116.619.456.4 (0.2)
201057.924.015.118.157.0 (0.6)
201360.124.012.815.860.3 (3.2)
201662.322.812.214.960.5 (0.2)
201963.122.811.014.062.0 (1.5)
2022-365.424.18.310.569.7 (7.7)
Change 1998 to 2022-23  + 32.9%  -6.9%#  – 61.9%  -57.7%  +36.4%

Source: Table 2.1 in smoking table at  https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/illicit-use-of-drugs/national-drug-strategy-household-survey/data

*1998 saw a change in the earlier definition of current and former smoking (to exclude those who have smoked fewer than 100 cigarettes (or equivalent) in their lifetime

#The decline in the prevalence of ex-smoking over this period results importantly from the reduced uptake of smoking, resulting in fewer ever-smokers in the population from which people may or may not quit.

A helicopter view of this data since 1998 shows (1) continual growth in the proportion of never smokers (up 33%), (2) continual falls in both daily smokers (62% fewer) and (total) current smokers (58% fewer) and (3) a continual rise in quit proportions, with a 36% increase since 1998.

Moreover, the latest data point (2022-23) shows that compared with the previous survey data year (2019) the absolute falls in the prevalence of daily smoking (-2.7%), of current smoking (-3.5%) and the growth in quit proportions (+7.7%) were all at record levels. These are hard measures of smoking declining in the population and of quitting increasing.

So in what universe could anyone look at these data and point to anything but clear and significant progress?  Glass-half-empty critics claiming that other comparable nations are doing better than Australia often neglect to mention that “smoking” is measured differently in different national smoking surveys (Australia counts use of any combustible tobacco product as “smoking”, with some nations only counting cigarettes); conveniently leave inconvenient data off their  gotcha graphs to show unflattering progress; and focus on the rate of recent falls overseas rather than acknowledging that Australia remains on the front row of the grid, with only New Zealand ahead showing recent 15+ smoking prevalence of 8.3%.

Here are the bottom lines from the most recently published national data on smoking:

Australia (2022-23 14+) 10.5% current & 8.3% daily  — all combustible tobacco products

Canada (2022 15+) 10.9% current in last 30 days, 8.2% daily, cigarettes only

Europe (all EU members 2019 15+) 18.4% daily, cigarettes only

New Zealand (2022-23 15+) 8.3% current & 6.8% daily –all combustible tobacco products

UK (2023 16+) 10.5% current cigarettes only

USA (2021 18+) 14.5% any combustible product, 11.5% cigarettes

New Zealand’s success is something of an outlier among Canada, the EU, the UK and the USA which like it, have had years of liberal access to vapes but not seen anything like New Zealand’s fall in smoking while vaping shot up. This may have had something to do with the (now abandoned) high profile policy in New Zealand to radically restrict the supply of tobacco products to create a “Smokefree Generation”, and all the publicity that accompanied that proposal.

In any event, the NDSHS is a cross sectional repeated time series survey with different respondents, not a longitudinal cohort of the same people, so causal conclusions about the contributions of particular polices or campaigns to the changing data cannot be drawn, only speculated.

Growth in illicit tobacco sales

On the ABC 7.30 program, James Martin, a criminologist from Deakin University, opined that an alleged massive growth in purchasing illicit  tobacco commenced “in the last 18-24 months” i.e. since 2022, the date when the  latest NDSHS survey was conducted. So if large numbers of smokers were switching to cheap illicit tobacco and not quitting at that time as Martin argued (“now that’s not due again primarily to people quitting smoking but rather taking that money and instead of paying tax on it and paying for a legal product that is going straight to the hands of organised crime”) then  how do we begin to explain the substantial leap in the quit proportion for that same period in the table above? (The NDSHS counts smokers of licit or illicit tobacco as smokers.)

Asked whether the drift to purchasing far cheaper illicit cigarettes would “bring more people back to smoking” (i.e. ex-smokers and never smokers) Martin agreed that as smokers were price sensitive “the widespread availability of black market tobacco … would be encouraging people into smoking.”  Remarkably, when asked whether the government should lower the tobacco tax rate, he agreed they should.

Here, Martin’s position is intriguing: he agrees cheap illegal cigarettes encourage smoking, but says the government should reduce the taxation rate to … encourage smokers back to duty-paid smoking?

Illicit tobacco sold in Australia is a very expensive tobacco product by world standards for black market tobacco. A typical price commonly reported in Australia is $20 per illegal pack, making it still more expensive than tax-paid tobacco products in the US and many European countries. Tobacco tax drives up the price of illicit tobacco, with vendors calibrating it against what local smokers pay for licit cigarettes. If tax were reduced, the price of both legal and illicit tobacco would fall.

On the program, Health Minister Mark Butler commented on this suggestion by noting that there were no significant organisations –such as the World Bank, the IMF or the WHO which argued that governments should reduce tobacco tax because of the threat of illegal tobacco.

In summary, the NDSHS data provide no support at all for the doomsaying suggestion that Australia’s “mission to reduce the daily rate to just 5% by 2030 is going backwards.” Nor to Martin’s ominous – some might say rather theatrical – prediction that “At some point the federal government will have to admit that they’ve got the policy wrong and they will have to change tack.”

There are clearly lots of smokers buying the illegal, duty-not-paid cigarettes, but the net result has not seen any evidence of increased uptake of smoking, nor of reductions in quitting. We have seen the opposite, which has been the decades-long intent of policy on tobacco tax rises.

The government is losing considerable tobacco tax revenue and retailers of duty-paid tobacco and cigarettes may be seeing falls in sales, but when it comes to tobacco, Australian governments since the 1970s have explicitly introduced polices and campaigns designed to do just that and the falls shown are consistent with that policy intent.

But aren’t smokers cash cows to governments ?

Social media has always been full of cynical smokers arguing that governments don’t really want to reduce smoking because it would kill a goose that keeps laying large golden eggs. This is a truly bizarre claim when we consider all the tobacco control policies governments have implemented over the decades, designed explicitly to reduce smoking and successfully doing so. These policies have long caused apoplexy in the local and international tobacco industry, which is really all we need to know about how damaging they are to sales.

Philip Morris International internal top management document 1985

But when someone doesn’t smoke, they don’t calculate each night how much tobacco tax their non-smoking status has deprived the government that day, take out scissors or matches and destroy that money to spitefully deprive grasping governments of revenue.

Instead, we spend the money we have not spent on tobacco on other goods and services, nearly all of which attract a 10% goods and services tax, and create multiplier economic benefits in the economy. Certainly, with tobacco excise tax being additional to GST, smoking does indeed lay extra golden tax eggs.

But in fact spending money on tobacco has been shown to be one of the worse things a consumer can do to benefit an economy. This 2020 review concluded that “In nearly all countries …” effective tobacco control “policies will have either no effect or a net positive effect on overall employment because tobacco-related job losses will be offset by job gains in other sectors.” For example,  this US paper by two health economists modelled the large economic benefits to Michigan if it were to be (hypothetically) entirely smokefree. Other studies have reached similar conclusions about the net employment impact of reduced smoking (see table)

Source: https://cancercontrol.cancer.gov/sites/default/files/2020-06/m21_15.pdf

Professor Ken Warner from the University of Michigan,  summed all this up in a heavily cited paper in 2000.

“when resources are no longer devoted (at all or as much) to a given economic activity, they do not simply disappear into thin air—the implication of the industry’s argument. Rather, they are redirected to other economic functions. If a person ceases to smoke, for example, the money that individual would have spent on cigarettes does not evaporate. Rather, the person spends it on something else. The new spending will generate employment in other industries, just as the spending on cigarettes generated employment in the tobacco industry. Studies by non-industry economists in several countries have confirmed that reallocation of spending by consumers quitting smoking would not reduce employment or otherwise significantly damage the countries’ economies.”

This point was also made in 2001 in the British Medical Journal by Clive Bates, a long time commentator on tobacco control.

“taxes are just a recycling of money in the economy. If there was no smoking  … consumers would be spending their money on other things (which would also be taxed), and the government would be raising the budget it needs through other taxes, with no change in the total tax burden … Taxes just cannot be counted as a benefit in the same way that healthcare costs or savings can be counted.”

Further, all three tobacco transnationals selling in Australia are unlisted on the Australian stock exchange, have not manufactured tobacco products in Australia since 2016, importing all their cigarettes and roll-your-own tobacco into Australia, dragging on the balance of trade. They  have tiny workforces here and repatriate all profits to their international headquarters. Tobacco has not been legally grown in Australia since the 1990s, so there is no agriculture or manufacturing sectors contributing to the Australian economy. These are  further major considerations when considering the economic benefits of tobacco control.

Pigouvian taxes (eg: on sugar, carbon, alcohol, tobacco) are fundamentally about correcting an externality – some behaviour that a government wants to see change. That’s different from our other taxes, where the goal is raising revenue. With Pigouvian taxes, we want to change behaviour. With revenue-raising taxes, we don’t want to change behaviour. 

Indeed, in the case of tobacco taxes, governments want revenue to fall, because when matched by falling smoking prevalence, it means the policy is working as intended.  

Martin a “Tobacco Harm Reduction Advisor”

James Martin is listed on Harm Reduction Australia’s website as one of 15 board members, with his profile dated March 1, 2020. He is described as a “Tobacco Harm Reduction Advisor.”  However the  Australian Charities and Not for Profit Commission (ACNC’s) details on HRA do not show him as a “responsible person” (“Generally, a charity’s Responsible People are its board or committee members, or trustees.”)

Martin’s research output on his university page shows he has published 24 papers and book chapters since 2013. Not one of these concern tobacco or vaping.  But with no published research track record in any aspect of tobacco control, he apparently thinks differently to the significant national and global organisations which have never recommended lowering tobacco taxes. And to the governments of  183 nations representing over 90% of world population which are parties to the global Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which gives prominent emphasis to tobacco tax in reducing smoking.

Martin recently described Clive Bates on Twitter as “a master”, yet appears to diverge from him when it comes to tobacco tax matters. Perhaps he needs to widen his understanding of tobacco control and start his peer reviewed contributions to the field if he wants to offer advice that might be taken seriously.

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